similarities between baker v carr and wesberry v sanders

Attorneys on behalf of the state argued that the Supreme Court lacked grounds and jurisdiction to even hear the case. In support of this principle, George Mason of Virginia, argued strongly for an election of the larger branch by the people. . I, 2 that Representatives be chosen "by the People of the several States" [n9] means that, as [p8] nearly as is practicable, one man's vote in a congressional election is to be worth as much as another's. 11725, 70th Cong., 1st Sess., introduced on Mar. The key difference between the facts of Baker v. Carr and Wesberry v. Sanders is that the first decided on Representative district while the latter decided on the court that can rule of redistricting. In both countries, the idea that certain powers were reserved to the states influenced the courts in their early days, only to be eclipsed by the view that each power conferred on the federal legislature is to be interpreted as widely as the language used can reasonably sustain, without considering what is left over to the states. 1343(3), asking that the Georgia statute be declared invalid and that the appellees, the Governor and Secretary of State of Georgia, be enjoined from conducting elections under it. Spitzer, Elianna. Is a mandate for health insurance sufficiently related to interstate commerce for Congress to enact a law on it? . . Definition and Examples, The Original Jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court, What Is Sovereign Immunity? [n41][p16] Charles Cotesworth Pinckney told the South Carolina Convention, the House of Representatives will be elected immediately by the people, and represent them and their personal rights individually. . ; H.R. Carr and Wesberry v. Sanders have been argued before Australias High Court. Suppose that Congress was entertaining a law that would unify pollution regulations across all fifty states. Wesberry v. Sanders is a landmark case because it mandated that congressional districts throughout the country must be roughly equal in population. The Court's talk about "debasement" and "dilution" of the vote is a model of circular reasoning, in which the premises of the argument feed on the conclusion. This court case was a very critical point in the legal fightfor the principle of One man, one vote. 505,465463,80041,665, Maryland(8). The two countries are excellent test cases for comparing federal constitutions precisely because they are so similar and yet different. . . In addition, the majoritys analysis is clouded by too many indirect issues to focus on the real issue at hand. (Emphasis added.) [n29], The debates at the Convention make at least one fact abundantly clear: that, when the delegates agreed that the House should represent "people," they intended that, in allocating Congressmen, the number assigned to each State should be determined solely by the number of the State's inhabitants. . Popularity with the representative's constituents. at 367 (James Madison, Virginia). . . 16. I believe that the court erred in so doing. Other rights, even the most basic, are illusory if the right to vote is undermined. I, 2, for election of Representatives "by the People" means that congressional districts are to be, "as nearly as is practicable," equal in population, ante, pp. The provisions for apportioning Representatives and direct taxes have been amended by the Fourteenth and Sixteenth Amendments, respectively. 56. This history reveals that the Court is not simply undertaking to exercise a power which the Constitution reserves to the Congress; it is also overruling congressional judgment. The District Court was wrong to find that the Fifth district voters presented a purely political question which could not be decided by a court, and should be dismissed for want of equity. Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, supports the principle that voters have standing to sue with regard to apportionment matters, and that such claims are justiciable. See, e.g., the New York Constitution of 1777, Art. . It was to be the grand depository of the democratic principle of the Govt. 39. . [n53] None of them became law. The Court's decision represented a clear deviation from a long history of judicial restraint, he argued. Nonetheless, both countries have also developed intergovernmental immunities doctrines that aim to protect both the federal and the state governments from undue interference and to maintain the independence of each, at least to some extent. 459,706399,78259,924, SouthCarolina(6). 539,592373,583166,009, Kentucky(7). This is not a case in which the Court vindicates the kind of individual rights that are assured by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, whose "vague contours," Rochin v. California, 342 U.S. 165, 170, of course, leave much room for constitutional developments necessitated by changing conditions in a dynamic society. That district, one of ten created by a 1931 Georgia statute, [n1] includes Fulton, DeKalb, and Rockdale Counties, and has a population, according to the 1960 census, of 823,680. . Since I believe that the Constitution expressly provides that state legislatures and the Congress shall have exclusive jurisdiction over problems of congressional apportionment of the kind involved in this case, there is no occasion for me to consider whether, in the absence of such provision, other provisions of the Constitution, relied on by the appellants, would confer on them the rights which they assert. Materials supplementary to the debates are as unequivocal. ; H.R. [n30] The Constitution embodied Edmund Randolph's proposal for a periodic census to ensure "fair representation of the people," [n31] an idea endorsed by Mason as assuring that "numbers of inhabitants" [p14] should always be the measure of representation in the House of Representatives. The acts in question were filing false election returns, United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, alteration of ballots and false certification of votes, United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, and stuffing the ballot box, United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385. 5. . c. Reporters were given greater access to the enemy. 57 of The Federalist: Who are to be the electors of the Federal Representatives? The Fifth district voters sued the Governor and Secretary of State of Georgia, seeking a declaration that Georgias 1931 apportionment statute was invalid, and that the State should be enjoined from conducting elections under the statute. Similarly, the external affairs power (s. 51(xxix)) has been interpreted to enable the federal government to legislate in areas outside of its enumerated sec. Act of Feb. 25, 1882, 3, 22 Stat. . . Also, every State was to have "at Least one Representative." . Justice Whittaker recused himself. The Court in Baker pointed out that the opinion of Mr. Justice Frankfurter in Colegrove, upon the reasoning of which the majority below leaned heavily in dismissing "for want of equity," was approved by only three of the seven Justices sitting. What is done today saps the political process. I dont care. WebWesberry v. Sanders by Tom C. Clark Concurrence/dissent. Ibid. See ante, p. 17, and infra, pp. * Georgia Laws, Sept.-Oct. 1962, Extra.Sess. Appellants are qualified voters in Georgia's Fifth Congressional District, the population of which is two to three times greater than that of some other congressional districts in the State. 129, 153). We do not deem [Colegrove v. Green] . 4. The problem was described by Mr. Justice Frankfurter as. Cf. What form of city government is this? II Elliot's Debates on the Federal Constitution (2d ed. . Between 1901 and 1960, the population of Tennessee grew significantly. 482,872375,475107,397, Mississippi(5). New Jersey apparently allowed women, as "inhabitants," to vote until 1807. 54, he discussed the inclusion of slaves in the basis of apportionment. How, then, can the Court hold that Art. . . Cf. In 1960, the population base was 178,559,217, and the number of Representatives was 435. If, then, slaves were intended to be without representation, Article I did exactly what the Court now says it prohibited: it "weighted" the vote of voters in the slave States. 478,962376,336102,626, Michigan(19). [n16]. Switzerland consists of 26 cantons. Traditionally, particularly in the South, the Thus, in the number of The Federalist which does discuss the regulation of elections, the view is unequivocally stated that the state legislatures have plenary power over the conduct of congressional elections subject only to such regulations as Congress itself might provide. By contrast, what might be the main advantage of leaving this legislation at the state level? 711,045243,570467,475, Massachusetts(12). The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. 553,154303,026250,128, RhodeIsland(2). None of his remarks bears on apportionment within the States. It will therefore form nearly two districts for the choice of Federal Representatives. [n2], Notwithstanding these findings, a majority of the court dismissed the complaint, citing as their guide Mr. Justice Frankfurter's minority opinion in Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549, an opinion stating that challenges to apportionment [p4] of congressional districts raised only "political" questions, which were not justiciable. 522,813265,164257,649, Pennsylvania(27). at 286, 465-466 (Alexander Hamilton of New York); id. . WebBaker v. Carr (1962) is the U.S. Supreme Court case that held that federal courts could hear cases alleging that a states drawing of electoral boundaries, i.e. . Not only can this right to vote not be denied outright, it cannot, consistently with Article I, be destroyed by alteration of ballots, see United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299, or diluted by stuffing of the ballot box, see United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385. I, 4, which the Court so pointedly neglects. . Time & \text{Nonconformities per Unit} & Time & \text{Nonconformities per Unit} \\ To say that a vote is worth more in one district than in another would not only run counter to our fundamental ideas of democratic government, it would cast aside the principle of a House of Representatives elected "by the People," a principle tenaciously fought for and established at the Constitutional Convention. The Court purports to find support for its position in the third paragraph of Art. Justice Felix Frankfurter dissented, joined by Justice John Marshall Harlan. The Supreme Court granted certiorari. Federal congressional districts must be roughly equal in population to the extent possible. The state claimed redistricting was a political question and non-justiciable. The constitutional requirement in Art. 6428, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. Today, permanent parliamentary Boundary Commissions recommend periodic changes in the size of constituencies as population shifts. The complaint also fails to adequately show Tennessees current system of apportionment is so arbitrary and capricious as to violate the Equal Protection Clause. 608,441295,072313,369, Missouri(10). I, 2, of the Constitution, which, carrying out the ideas of Madison and those of like views, provides that Representatives shall be chosen "by the People of the several States," and shall be "apportioned among the several States . Those issues are distinct, and were separately treated in the Constitution. Although it was held in Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651, and subsequent cases, that the right to vote for a member of Congress depends on the Constitution, the opinion noted that the legislatures of the States prescribe the qualifications for electors of the legislatures and thereby for electors of the House of Representatives. WESBERRY v. SANDERS 376 U.S. 1 (1964) After baker v. carr (1962) held that legislative districting presented a justiciable controversy, the Supreme Court held in Wesberry, 81, that a state's congressional districts are required by Article I, section 2, of the Constitution to be as equal in population as is practicable. at 532 (Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts). [n10] This rule is followed automatically, of course, when Representatives are chosen as a group on a statewide basis, as was a widespread practice in the first 50 years of our Nation's history. Act of June 25, 1842, 2, 5 Stat. Ames' remark at the Massachusetts convention is typical: "The representatives are to represent the people." Representatives were elected at large in Alabama (8), Alaska (1), Delaware (1), Hawaii (2), Nevada (1), New Mexico (2), Vermont (1), and Wyoming (1). . I Farrand 449-450, 457. 660,345237,235423,110, Georgia(10). WebCharles W. Baker and other Tennessee citizens argued that a 1901 law designed to apportion the seats for the state's General Assembly was virtually ignored. Some of those new plans were guided by federal court decisions. The main reason for this is that Australians modeled their 1901 constitution on the American example. Although there is little discussion of the reasons for omitting the requirement of equally populated districts, the fact that such a provision was included in the bill as it was presented to the House, [n49] and was deleted by the House after debate and notice of intention to do so, [n50][p44] leaves no doubt that the omission was deliberate. . Baker has standing to challenge Tennessees apportionment statutes. . Smiley, Koenig, and Carroll settled the issue in favor of justiciability of questions of congressional redistricting. See Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962) . . I love them.. . WebWesberry v. Sanders. . Such failure violates both judicial restraint and separation of powers concerns under the Constitution. 71 (1961). . a. Construct the appropriate control chart and determine the LCL and UCL. It opened the door to numerous historic cases in which the Supreme Court tackled questions of voting equality and representation in government. [n56][p48]. Id. . But, as one might expect when the Constitution itself is free from ambiguity, the surrounding history makes what is already clear even clearer. The populations of the districts are available in the biographical section of the Congressional Directory, 88th Cong., 2d Sess. . I, 3, and it was specially provided in Article V that no State should ever be deprived of its equal representation in the Senate. [p3], Claiming that these population disparities deprived them and voters similarly situated of a right under the Federal Constitution to have their votes for Congressmen given the same weight as the votes of other Georgians, the appellants brought this action under 42 U.S.C. . . Decision: The Warren Court reached a 6-2 verdict in favor of Baker. [p33] Whenever the State Legislatures had a favorite measure to carry, they would take care so to mould their regulations as to favor the candidates they wished to succeed. Which of the following programs is the best example of intergovernmentalism? It does not permit the States to pick out certain qualified citizens or groups of citizens and deny them the right to vote at all. . Baker v. Carr (1962) was a landmark U.S. Supreme Court case and an important point in the legal fight for the One man, one vote principle. 57, Madison merely stated his assumption that Philadelphia's population would entitle it to two Representatives in answering the argument that congressional constituencies would be too large for good government. 3 & 6 & 8 & 5 \\ [n45][p17]. [n23], The dispute came near ending the Convention without a Constitution. 369 U.S. at 232. These remarks of Madison were in response to a proposal to strike out the provision for congressional supervisory power over the regulation of elections in Art. . The States which ratified the Constitution exercised their power. cit. . Carr in 1962, the Supreme Court determined that this sort of population disparity violated the federal constitution. . . . The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment does not suggest legislatures must intentionally structure their districts to reflect absolute equality of votes. Again in Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 232, 82 S.Ct. . The Courts opinion essentially calls into question the validity of the entire makeup of the House of Representatives because in most of the States there was a significant difference in the populations of their congressional districts. This is all that the Constitution requires. http://landmarkcases.c-span.org/Case/10/Baker-V-Carrhttps://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/369/186, http://landmarkcases.c-span.org/Case/10/Baker-V-Carr, https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/369/186. Typical of recent proposed legislation is H.R. . Each time redistricting plans were drawn up in accordance with the federal census and put to a vote, they failed to get enough votes to pass. 7-8, 18. H.R. 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